Sulm me thikë në një fabrikë në Japoni/ 15 persona të plagosur
Pesëmbëdhjetë persona janë plagosur dhe shtruar në spital ...

Among all the important events related to the South Caucasus region over the past year, two stand out in particular: the peace process between Azerbaijan and Armenia and the crisis between Moscow and Baku after the downing of an Azerbaijani passenger plane over Grozny. Both processes developed steadily, each with its own dynamics — the peace process with Armenia on a positive trajectory, and the crisis with Moscow leaning more towards the negative. It is precisely the latter that deserves a closer look.
A ray of hope for the restoration of relations between Russia and Azerbaijan appeared on October 9 at the CIS Summit in Dushanbe. During a meeting with President Ilham Aliyev, President Vladimir Putin stated that “everything that is required in such tragic situations in terms of compensation will be done. A legal assessment of the actions of all officials will also be given.”
Two and a half months have passed since that meeting, but Moscow has not taken any of the steps announced by Putin. As Farhad Mammadov, head of the Center for South Caucasus Studies, noted on his Telegram channel Mneniye-FM, “the anniversary of the tragedy is approaching, when the commission investigating the causes of the crash is expected to complete its work. However, according to statements from the Kazakh side, the process is still ongoing and the Russian side has not yet completed its part of the work.”
Indeed, Azerbaijani society had expected that by the anniversary of the tragedy — December 25 — the Russian side would have fulfilled at least part of its commitments. Even if the investigation is not fully concluded, the main details of the crash are already known — this very fact allowed Putin to admit its causes back in October. Some particularly attentive readers may ask: today is only December 23, why is this being written about when there are still two days left until the anniversary? Maybe Moscow will announce the implementation of the promised measures precisely on the 25th?
First, such pedantry would be inappropriate in itself. But even that is not the main point. What really matters is the fact that the anniversary of the plane crash was preceded by the informal CIS summit, held on December 22 in St. Petersburg. It is worth recalling that President Aliyev had set off to attend this traditional meeting on December 25 last year. However, as soon as he learned about the tragedy of the AZAL plane, he immediately ordered Flight No. 1 to turn back and return to his homeland, holding an emergency meeting right at the airport.
Kështu, në përputhje me protokollin diplomatik, çdo veprim nga pala ruse duhej të ishte sinkronizuar me samitin informal të CIS-it. Kjo do të kishte qenë një sinjal i fortë i qëllimit të sinqertë të Kremlinit për të rivendosur marrëdhëniet dhe për të pritur ngrohtësisht Ilham Aliyevin në kryeqytetin verior. Megjithatë, Moska nuk ndërmori asnjë veprim. Natyrisht, në këto rrethana — dhe duke pasur parasysh axhendën e ngjeshur — Ilham Aliyev nuk mundi të udhëtonte drejt Shën Petersburgut. Sidoqoftë, sinjali i pakënaqësisë së Bakusë është i drejtuar ekskluzivisht ndaj Moskës; ai nuk shtrihet aspak ndaj partnerëve të tjerë të CIS-it, me të cilët Azerbajxhani ka pasur zhvillime shumë pozitive në bashkëpunim gjatë vitit të kaluar.
Ne e përmendëm qëllimisht procesin e paqes midis Bakusë dhe Jerevanit në fillim të këtij shkrimi. Nuk kërkohet analizë e thellë për të parë se ekziston një lidhje e prekshme midis këtyre dy ngjarjeve — zgjidhjes me Jerevanin dhe krizës me Moskën, ose më saktë, vonesës së Rusisë për të ndërmarrë hapat e nevojshëm për të pranuar përgjegjësinë e saj.
Duke zgjidhur kundërshtitë që lidhen me konfliktin armen-azerbajxhanas, Moska rrezikon të humbasë një instrument kyç të menaxhimit të konflikteve në rajon. Armenia, tashmë e çliruar nga barra e çështjes së Karabakut, po e afirmon gjithnjë e më shumë pavarësinë e saj nga ish-suzerani. Nëse procesi i normalizimit arrin përfundimin e tij logjik, Turqia nuk do të perceptohet më nga Armenia si një kërcënim ekzistencial. Të gjitha këto zhvillime të pritshme mund të përmbysin më shumë se dy shekuj prani ruse në Kaukazin e Jugut.
Ndërkohë, Moska nuk ka hequr dorë nga shpresa për të rifituar ndikimin mbi Jerevanin duke mbështetur lëvizje të ndryshme opozitare të lidhura me Kishën Armene përpara zgjedhjeve të verës së ardhshme në Armeni. Megjithatë, dinamika që po shpaloset tregon se partia në pushtet po i përballon me sukses këto presione.
Megjithatë, është ende herët për të folur për humbjen e Kaukazit të Jugut nga Rusia. Nëse Moska arrin të sjellë njerëzit e saj në pushtet në Jerevan, Armenia ka shumë gjasa të mbetet një rrugë pa krye në rajon. Por për momentin, hezitimi i Moskës për të përmbyllur siç duhet çështjen e avionit të rrëzuar azerbajxhanas sugjeron pasiguri për suksesin e asaj që quhet operacioni “Riktheni Armeninë”. Kremlini i kushton një rëndësi të tepruar simbolikës. Ndëshkimi i përgjegjësve për rrëzimin e avionit dhe më pas humbja e Kaukazit të Jugut do të dukej, në sytë e tij, si një dobësi e dyfishtë. Duket se nga dy përfundimet e mundshme, ai është i gatshëm të pranojë vetëm njërin — ose ndoshta asnjërin.

Former empires have their own peculiarities. Azerbaijan, however, should be prepared for relations with Moscow to slowly thaw until the Kremlin takes the promised steps — regardless of the surrounding geopolitical climate. Baku expects positive actions from Moscow in this regard, but in their absence is ready to defend its legitimate position through international mechanisms. In the meantime, it seems unlikely that high-level visits to Russia can be expected in the near future. /CNA
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