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"We gave you a republic, if you can keep it"

2023-12-11 15:52:00, Opinione Oerd Bylykbashi
"We gave you a republic, if you can keep it"
Oerd Bylykbashi

The phrase in the title is the response of Benjamin Franklin, one of the Founding Fathers of the USA, when a lady asked him as he was leaving on September 18, 1787 from the building where the last evening of the work of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia had just closed and the Constitution of the States was adopted United States of America.

The lady's question, expressing impatience and hope, was: "Doctor, what do we have, a republic or a monarchy?"

"We gave you a republic, if you can keep it."

This sentence, which in state formation has the power and energy that releases a nuclear fission, comes to mind today as I commemorate the 33rd anniversary of the establishment of the DP as the genesis of political pluralism, democracy and individual freedom. But it equally revives the emotions I felt before the magnificent Assembly of December 11, 2021 while presenting the "Statute of December 11" of the DP, the principles that that Statute established; the strengthening of collegial bodies, the separation and balancing of powers, the secret and free vote as decision-making but also as a cohesion mechanism, the coherence of principles and the pluralism of thought that ensures inclusiveness. Mission to be accomplished.

I am reminded of that sentence of Benjamin Franklin today, when the vote is free as a money price but not as a freedom that has no price. It is neither secret nor equal. You can vote but not choose because power and superpower determine who you can vote for, because you cannot compete to be elected with the name and identity decided by those thousands of members who form a party, because power and superpower decide who should be voted for, with the justification that they are the majority.

It is not difficult to find the difference between "Democracy" and "Democratic Republic". They are not the same thing. In democracy, the majority decides and the minority must accept the decision. This happened in ancient Athens, but it is no longer valid today, it is completely insufficient.

The essential difference between the Democratic Republic and Democracy as "majority rule", in addition to the free and secret vote, is made by the individual and minority rights, which are stronger than the majority vote, as well as the written, mutually accepted and shared rules. democratically, but also implemented.

Call it Constitution or Statute, those rules establish principles, rules, institutions that represent those who vote and elect, share and balance power.

They are rules that apply to any democratic organization; state, branch of government, party, or profit-making organization or not.

Antiquity has given us two types of buildings that symbolize power: the Pyramid of Cheops and the Senate Building of the Roman Republic, with magnificent columns that support and distribute the weight of the building in harmony.

Pushteti i shumicës mund të degradojë brenda një brezi në pushtetin e Njëshit që kontrollon shumicën. Ky është momenti kur pushteti kthehet në piramidë ku gurët më sipër shtypin ata më poshtë, ku forca shpërndahet nga lart poshtë dhe e gjithë ngrehina, edhe pse përbëhet nga dhjetëramijë gurë me formë të njëjtë paralelopipedi, ka formen e gurit më të vogël por që ndodhet në majë; Piramidë.

Energjia dhe forcat që prodhon ajo shprehje e famshme e Benjamin Franklin, mbajnë në këmbë këtë ngrehinë të jashtëzakonshme të Republikës ku pushtetet janë të ndara si kollanat e një ndërtese, por që bashkohen, balancojnë dhe ekuilibrojnë forcat me njëra-tjetrën nëpëmjet traversave që i lidhin. Fundja kjo ndarje dhe balancim forcash e rolesh ka bërë që njerëzit të ndërtojnë ndërtesa shumë herë më të mëdha, të larta e funksionale për shumë njerëz njëherazi, sesa modeli i piramidës ku Njëshi vlen më shumë se shumica.

Senati i Republikës romake zgjidhej nga qytetarët. Po ashtu edhe Asambeja revolucionare franceze. Të dy na kanë dhënë shembuj ndarjeje dhe balancimi pushteti.

Senati zgjidhte dy konsuj për një afat të caktuar, që shte funksioni më i lartë në Republikë. Të dy komandonin ushtrinë së bashku dhe jo veç e veç. Kur mbaronin mandatin largoheshin nga posti e zgjidheshin konsuj të tjerë. Edhe në rastet kur Senati, në kushte urgjence e nevoje, zgjidhte një Diktator (po po, e zgjidhte për një afat jo më të gjatë se 6 muaj) ky i fundit, në fund të detyrës ia dorëzonte pushtetin Senatit. I tillë qe Cincinati i moshuar. Të dy konsujt ishin të rrethuar larg Romës dhe ajo rrezikohej. Senati e zgjodhi Cincinatin Diktator ndërsa po punonte në tokat e tij. Mori detyrën, theu armiqtë dhe liroi dy konsujt nga rrethimi, ia ridorëzoi pushtetin Senatit dhe konsujve dhe iu rikthye punimit të tokës.

Asambleja franceze e dalë nga revolucioni kishte zgjedhur Direktoratin me pesë direktorë që bashkëqeverisnin. Askush nuk ishte më i fuqishëm se tjetri. Këtë thoshte kushtetuta.

Por si Senati i Republikës romake, edhe Asambleja revolucionare franceze kanë dy momente të errëta finale.

Jul Çezari dërgoi gjenaralin e tij më të mirë Mark Antonin me legjionarët e tij që hynë në Senat dhe imponuan vullnetin e Çezarit mbi Senatin. Çezari u zgjodh Diktator i Përjetshëm. Edhe pse senatorët e vranë më pas Çezarin, atë ditë vdiq Republika dhe vendin e tij e zuri nipi i tij, Oktavian Augusti që u shpall Perandori i Parë romak.

Napoleoni dërgoi në Asamble gjenaralin e tij më të mirë, Myratin me ushtarë, u shpërnda Direktorati kolegjial dhe Napoleoni u zgjodh Konsull i Parë nën frikën e bajonetave. Atë ditë vdiq Republika e parë franceze. Më pas Napoleoni organizoi plebishit popullor dhe u zgjodh Perandor.

Dy leksione të hidhura këto, që t’i sjell ndër mend fotoja e tre mbledhjeve të fundit të parlamentit, ku Garda e Kryeministrit Rama është e rreshtuar brenda në sallën e Kuvendit në numër më të madh se deputetët e Opozitës.

In the beginning, the Unit of Power, Rama, weakened the parliament, then crushed the elections, fragmented the opposition, took away the right to control it with investigative commissions, and on December 14, 2023, approved the rule for the exclusion of opposition deputies for two months if they demand the foundation of the Republic: implementation of the Constitution and respect for the rights of the opposition.

From there it is not difficult to appoint the opposition, to get the vote of the appointed opposition to change the constitution with 93 votes, to turn the Parliamentary Republic into a Presidential Republic and with the patronage system to be elected by a "popular" plebiscite as an all-powerful President , like Vucic. It is not difficult to find a Brnabi? as prime minister, even if appointed by the opposition, as a democratic mirror of co-governance according to the model of the night of May 17, 2017.

The strength of the Republic lies in the Constitution, which guarantees free and secret voting, individual rights and the separation and balancing of power.

The strength of the Constitution lies in implementation and not in change. It is easy for the One to find a majority to amend the common charter, but much more difficult to implement it and honor its principles in good faith.

Today, December 11, 2023, we have unfortunately gone through several closed circles, retrieving the bad ones we had thrown away along the way. But the worst is that in the 33 years since the fall of the One, evil, the power of the One has returned.

On December 11, 1990, students rose up to dream that their children would not live under the power of the One. A generation later, the children of those students, on December 11, 2023, leave the country because they do not want to live under the power of the One. "Freedom can be extinguished within a generation," warned President Reagan. This is the other bitter lesson of history this December 11.

18:47 Opinione Ilir Levonja

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