Këlliçi accuses Rama: Protected areas and natural resources at his and the oligarchs' disposal
Democratic Party MP Belind Këlliçi has today leveled accus...
Democratic Party MP Belind Këlliçi has today leveled accus...

"Putin's bet on the war in Ukraine is so high that victory there would bring Russia profits of historic proportions: It's all or nothing," wrote Aleksandr Baunov, a political analyst at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, a research group. "If you think that the fate of the world is being determined in Donbas, then the future of Syria will also be determined there."
In short, while Moscow maneuvers to maintain its military bases in Syria, Putin may intensify his costly offensive in Ukraine to regain some prestige. Russian pro-war commentators invited Putin to do just that, also calling for tougher peace terms in Ukraine to avoid the kind of unconvincing ceasefire that ultimately led to Assad's downfall. Both scenarios will complicate the incoming US administration's pledge to quickly end the fighting in Ukraine. After the fall of Assad, President-elect Trump mocked Russia for failing to save its ally and called on Putin to make a deal with Ukraine.
"Russia weakened now because of Ukraine and the weak economy," Trump wrote on the Truth Social platform. "I know Vladimir well. It is the moment, its time for action". The damaged portrait of former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad on a highway in Damascus
Call for intensification of fighting
One of the most enduring features of Putin's dark 25-year rule is his reluctance to act in moments of weakness or succumb to outside pressure.
His descriptions of what a Russian victory in Ukraine would look like have always been vague. For years, the Russian military has given up on failed attempts at mass offensives that could topple the Ukrainian state. Instead, it focused on the east, pressuring Ukrainian forces on multiple fronts and bombing Ukrainian cities and critical infrastructure. Military experts interpreted the strategy as an attempt to exhaust the Ukrainian army and society and force Kiev to the negotiating table.
Putin hinted that the peace deal should allow Russia to keep at least the territories it conquered and guarantee Ukraine's military neutrality. Which means, not to join NATO. Russia will also suppress Ukrainian military capacity.
The government in Kiev adamantly rejects any peace terms that formalize the loss of territory or that prevent it from joining NATO.
Por “debakli” rus në Siri e tkurr edhe më tej hapësirën për kompromis. Komentues rus pro-luftës e pritën me mëdyshje e zemërim rënien e Assadit, shmangien e së cilës e pamundësuan kërkesat e luftës në Ukrainë. Ultranacionalisti i njohur rus, Zakhar Prilepin, e quajti Sirinë “katastrofa jonë”. E kritikë tjerë i sugjeruan Rusisë të mësojë nga gabimet e Assadit.
“Përfundimi është i qartë: më mirë të mos braktisen konfliktet e ngrira”, thotë Oleg Tsaryov, ish-deputet ukrainas pro-Rusisë. “Nëse një konflikt ngrihet, armiku s’do mend që do ta shfrytëzojë momentin tuaj të dobësisë”.
Sipas Tsaryovit, Rusia duhet ta detyrojë Ukrainën ta pranojë marrëveshjen e paqes që, mes tjerash, e detyron ta ndalë synimin për anëtarësim në NATO dhe ta pranojë humbjen e rajoneve të aneksuara. “Territoret e kontestuar janë shkak për konflikt të pafund”, mendon ai.
Rikthimi i prestigjit të humbur
Presidenti ukrainas, Volodymyr Zelensky, tha vetëm pak ditë më parë se mund ta pranojë humbjen e përkohshme të ndonjë territori të pushtuar, porse kurrë jo ndryshimin e përhershëm të kufijve. Këtë pikëpamje, sipas sondazheve, e mbështet shumica e ukrainasve.
E kritikët kërkuan që ushtria t’i përgjigjet me më shumë brutalitet ndaj Ukrainës, gjendjes në Siri. “Është koha për të treguar ashpërsi ekstreme, madje mizori në Ukrainë”, shkroi Aleksei Pilko, historian ultranacionalist rus, në Telegram. Bëri thirrje për vrasje të zyrtarëve ukrainas, për më shumë sulme ajrore ruse kundër objekteve qeveritare si dhe infrastrukturës energjetike. Ashtu sikurse Putini, ata ofruan pak detaje se si ushtria e varfëruar ruse mund ta arrijë kapitullimin ukrainas që do t’i kënaqte pretendimet e tyre. E nëse Putini do t’i marrë parasysh këto apo ndonjë argument tjetër, kjo është çështje tjetër.
Vasily Kashin, studiues politik në Shkollën e Lartë të Ekonomisë në Moskë, e kualifikoi vrullin e reagimeve nacionaliste pas lëmshit në Siri si “zhurmë mediatike”. Tha se Kremlini do ta vazhdojë luftën sipas planit dhe s’ka gjasa të shpërqendrohet nga ngjarjet periferike që patën pak apo aspak ndikim në fushëbetejë.
Putini s’do mend se prej kohësh e kultivoi imazhin e një strategu të patrazuar nga baticat dhe zbaticat e ngjarjeve të përditshme. Por goditja që e pësoi në reputacionin global si rrjedhojë e rënies së Assadit mund ta shtyjë në një shpërfaqje të fuqisë në Ukrainë, mendon Tatiana Stanovaya, studiuese politike ruse në Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center. “Mund të tundohet të tregojë se Rusia s’është e mundur dhe që di se çfarë bën”, shtoi ajo. “Dhe kjo mund ta zhysë në dyshime se çfarë mund të pranojë në Ukrainë”.
In a show of force, Putin could offer new terms in peace talks or even escalate airstrikes. A US official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that in the coming days Russia could hit Ukraine with another Oreshnik, a new and powerful ballistic missile. The Ukrainian government said that Putin's threats of escalation are a bluff because the Russian army is already fighting at maximum capacity as the war approaches its fourth year.
For some, the debate over Putin's potential response to Assad's fall obscures a more important lesson about Syria's 13-year civil war: the difficulty of winning protracted conflict. Russia's military campaign to trap Assad's enemies proved futile, an illusion of victory that may still reverberate in Ukraine. "In the modern world, victory is possible only in a quick and short war," wrote Ruslan Pukhov, a well-known Russian military expert. "If you cannot succeed in the military-political sphere, you will eventually lose no matter what you do. / New York Times
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