Businessman Artur Shehu breaks his silence: I am a long-time land owner in Zvërnec, I don't know the investors at all
Albanian businessman Artur Shehu spoke on the Opinion show...
Albanian businessman Artur Shehu spoke on the Opinion show...

We all played the broken phone game in our childhood, where the word from ear to ear was transformed.
In this game, people's perception and understanding matter more than the original message, but as US Defense Secretary James Schlesinger said in 1975, "everyone is entitled to his opinions, but not to his facts."
Today, this statement applies to climate change. While there is broad scientific consensus that human action has contributed decisively to the warming of the atmosphere, oceans and land, causing widespread changes in a very short time, public opinion is less clear. At least 97% of scientists agree that humanity contributes to climate change, but the same cannot be said for society in general.
Same facts, different perceptions
Various studies and polls show that the social consensus on climate change is stronger in Europe than in the United States, where only 12% of citizens are aware of the almost total unanimity of the scientific community. This is the result, among other things, of misinformation, media portrayals and cognitive biases.
Presenting climate change as a legitimate debate undermines the value of scientific consensus, often validating climate denial—or its latest iteration, retardation.
Moreover, there is a tendency to present ideological interpretations of the evidence as mere scientific disagreements: 82% of US Democratic voters believe that human activity significantly contributes to climate change, compared to only 38% of Republicans. This division also extends to responses to the crisis.
No enforcement, no liability
The general reaction of the international community has not been slow. As governments and multilateral bodies have become more aware of the issue, they have committed, albeit unevenly, to mitigation and adaptation plans.
This has also happened with decarbonisation plans, although, for the most part, commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, such as those set out in the 2015 Paris Agreement, are not binding.
This illustrates a clear barrier to change: these commitments include no legal obligation, no effective enforcement mechanism and no measure of accountability.
This undermines any agreement, and their uneven and inconsistent enforcement allows some countries to be "free", reaping the benefits of reduced emissions while contributing little to the costs.
Planet e tranzicionit në kompani dhe vende, madje edhe në sektorin global të energjisë, përbëhen nga strategji të detajuara drejt neutralitetit të karbonit dhe objektivit zero neto.
Këto mbulojnë një sërë masash, nga inovacioni teknologjik tek instrumentet rregullatore, investimet dhe ndryshimet në sjelljen individuale dhe kolektive.
Megjithatë, konfuzioni rreth objektivave si neutraliteti i karbonit dhe zero neto është gjithashtu një pengesë në shumë raste.
Ka pasur disa përparime që nga Marrëveshja e Parisit në 2015, e cila parashikonte që emetimet në vitin 2030 sipas politikave të atëhershme aktuale të rriteshin me 16%. Sot, një rritje prej 3% parashikohet në të njëjtën periudhë, por emetimet duhet të bien me 28% për të qëndruar brenda 2°C nga ngrohja globale dhe me 42% për të qëndruar nën 1.5°C.
Emetimet e dioksidit të karbonit nga sektori energjetik i Kinës, për shembull, u rritën me 5.2% në 2023. Kjo do të thotë se një reduktim i paprecedentë 4-6% në 2025 do të ishte i nevojshëm për të përmbushur objektivin.
Pse nuk mund të ngadalësojmë emetimet?
Nuk ka asnjë shpjegim të thjeshtë apo të vetëm për qëndrimet e paqëndrueshme të njerëzimit ndaj ndryshimeve klimatike. Është një çështje jashtëzakonisht komplekse dhe vetëm duke njohur kompleksitetin e saj mund të kuptojmë dhe të përpiqemi të ndryshojmë sjelljet.
Pavarësisht ngadalësimit të rritjes vjetore, kërkesa globale për lëndë djegëse fosile nuk ka arritur kulmin. Pritet ta bëjë këtë deri në vitin 2030, por vetëm nëse konsumimi i automjeteve elektrike rritet, dhe nëse ekonomia e Kinës rritet ngadalë dhe thellon investimet në energjinë e rinovueshme. Shuma të konsiderueshme janë ende duke u derdhur në investime në naftë dhe gaz. Midis 2016 dhe 2023, ata arritën një mesatare vjetore prej rreth 0.75 trilion dollarë.
Në vitin 2023, investimet globale në energjinë e pastër arritën rreth 1.8 trilion dollarë, megjithëse të përqendruara në disa vende: kryesisht në Kinë, Bashkimin Evropian dhe SHBA. Për çdo dollar të investuar në hidrokarbure, afërsisht 1.8 dollarë tashmë shkojnë në energji të pastër, por jo të gjitha në burime të rinovueshme.
Duhet gjithashtu të theksohet se "efektet rimëkëmbëse" afatgjata shpesh mund të kompensojnë reduktimet e suksesshme në përdorimin e disa lëndëve të para si qymyri.
Për më tepër, përfitimet e reduktimit të emetimit të karbonit janë globale dhe afatgjata, ndërsa kostot e lidhura shpesh janë lokale dhe të menjëhershme .
Ndërkohë, në vendet me të ardhura të ulëta dhe në vendet në zhvillim, shumë zhvillime janë ende më pak miqësore me mjedisin–siç është varësia e vazhdueshme e Indisë nga qymyri–pavarësisht dëshmive se përfitimet e përbashkëta të reduktimit të emetimeve të karbonit tejkalojnë koston e zbutjes në një numër sektorësh.
Zgjidhjet mbeten të pakapshme
It seems clear that there is no single solution. Some possible solutions require infrastructure or technology to manage resources more efficiently, but increasingly involve changes in our lifestyles and values.
In classical economics, the idea of ??rationality assumes that, given adequate information and income, an individual will always choose that which maximizes his welfare. However, this explanation falls short–it assumes that people live only to maximize pleasure through consumption, and ignores the dreams, hopes, and goals that other human beings may have.
Herbert Simon's work in the 1950s shows that our decisions are best explained by what is known as bounded rationality: our cognitive capacity, information and time are limited, so we simplify reality and adapt.
For his part, Zygmunt Bauman's concept of "liquid modernity" envisioned the transition from a solid modernity to a more fluid, unstable form, unable to maintain a set of behaviors for a long time and much more prone to change .
In the same way, Gilles Lipovetsky talks about the individualism and hedonism of a culture that prioritizes the immediate fulfillment of individual desires, compared to commitment and sacrifice in the service of ethical principles.
How do we reconcile these ideas that explain how we respond to imperatives of sacrifice that, implicitly or explicitly, appear in narratives of climate action and just transition?
Perhaps recognizing the complexity and trying to understand how we decide is part of the answer. Biases and inconsistencies are easier to detect in others than in oneself./ Adapted from CNA
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