
The unusual protests in Albania and in some cities around the world where Albanians live can be defined as “protests of dignity.” To paraphrase the French philosopher Pierre Lévy, Tirana is appearing before the world as an “intelligent city” where people do not group around a political party or a government that does not represent them, but around some shared values ??and concerns that go beyond political beliefs, in search of a new Albania.
What began as anger over access to land and beaches and the preservation of shared natural heritage quickly turned into something bigger that has to do with the essence of democracy. About who and how should decide on the future of Albania. The protest is proving that the politics of the future is being better understood by those who are currently outside of politics.
Throughout the years of transition, we have seen how the country's most precious assets have been handed over from above to a handful of people, while ordinary citizens and local communities are only 'informed' when the fences are erected and the concrete mixers arrive.
Tirana and the Adriatic-Ionian coastline are the most contrasting and exclusive view of the country's so-called development model, which has no connection to the European model of social cohesion nor respect for common heritage.
The unlimited domination of public goods has deepened the contradiction between the opportunities created by the market economy and the appropriation by a possessive minority of economic and political power. Society today is more divided than ever by deep inequalities between those who accumulate wealth and power and those who struggle every day to live with dignity, or simply to survive.
This is not a natural development of capitalism. But the result of a calcified partnership between politics, the oligarchy, the media, and organized crime.
Flamingos are a symbol of accumulated anger against the treatment of the homeland as plunder, not a protest against the development of the country. A protest against a ruthless model at the expense of past and future generations. The former by eating away at their contribution. The latter by destroying their heritage.
Therefore, political reflection and real action are required. First and foremost, from the Socialist Party.
Denying reality, mocking the protesters, focusing on turnout numbers, chasing conspiracy theories, blaming neighbors or prestigious international media, while ignoring the essence of the popular anger that has flooded the streets, is like playing with fire, and calls into question the future of Albania.
Thirteen years ago, as we were closing the 2013 election campaign, in Shkodra, Edi Rama and the Socialist Party pledged to Albanians that they would put an end to the corrosive phenomena of transition, bringing to life the words of Father Gjergj Fishta: "To rule a state, cunning, intrigue, deceit, lies, betrayal are not enough. Honor, knowledge, wisdom, manliness are needed. That's what's needed"!
On this simple but powerful pledge, we asked Albanians for their trust to govern and not to rule. The pledge that we would be a party of ideas and ideals, and not of power as an end in itself. That we would work for social justice, the rule of law and represent the interests of the majority. That we would be a party that would be measured by the expectations of citizens and not by exploiting the weaknesses of opponents. A party and government distinguished by vision, plurality of ideas and political personalities and not a party that suffocates political thought, narrative and action.
The protests of these days are the clearest reflection that we have not remained faithful to the above principles and commitments. The censorship in the national media and the broadcasting of the protest initially only on "News24", social networks and then by prestigious international media, brought to mind the difficult situation of 1990 and the tragic events of 1996-1997, where we could only be informed about what was happening in Albania through "Voice of America", "BBC" and the newspaper "Koha Jonë".
Therefore, it is necessary to emerge from the state of denial, to apologize for mistakes, and to reflect on what needs to be done to avoid losing the reason why we exist, the heritage and undeniable contribution of the Socialist Party, since its founding, to the affairs of the country.
Political parties fail not only when they lose elections, but also from disregarding the democratic rules of the game, the excessive concentration of power, and identification with the state.
Election victories are a blessing for any political force when they are accompanied by the democratization of themselves and society. But the long-term hold and personalization of power creates the illusion that the model works, that accountability and corrections are not necessary, that political personalities can be replaced by the loyalty of cardboard boxes, that militants and citizens will continue to trust indefinitely, in conditions when the political opponent is weak.

This is where the slide begins.
One of the most dangerous transformations that occurs in political life is not the capture of the state by a party, a leader, or a group of oligarchs. It is something more subtle than that: the moment when the state begins to adopt their logic and they begin to adopt the logic of the state. At first, this process seems harmless. The boundaries between the interest of the state and power become less distinct. What initially appears as stability turns into domination. Power is considered the natural state of things.
The national media is being seen as a tool of power, not to convince people of the truth of the narrative of power, but to produce weakness, cynicism, exhaust critical thinking, and create a sense of powerlessness in people.
Energies are focused on sidelining and excluding collaborators who think differently. Power becomes an end in itself at the expense of the quality of governance. Corruption erodes every sphere of decision-making. Democracy, pluralism, and the rule of law in the economy are undermined.
The axis of programmatic values ??and ideals around which people in the party are grouped is replaced by former opponents and opportunists, who today represent the government more than the socialists. It all resembles a market game and not democratic logic.
This is precisely the trap before us.
We Albanians have not suffered from a lack of powerful leaders, but from a lack of wise and patriotic statesmen who sacrifice power for the state. Who do not perform diplomatic pirouettes in the service of political survival, putting national security at risk.
The most glorious moments of our history are linked to the joint efforts to submit to the rules of democracy. Democracy is not built on the idea of ??permanent power. But on the idea of ??limiting power at all levels.

When power is overly personalized, the greatest temptation is not to abuse it. But to normalize everything. Normalize the idea of ??equating the leader with the state. Normalize the idea that criticism of power is criticism of the country. Normalize the idea that opposition is an obstacle and not a contribution. Normalize the idea that every segment of society should function in harmony and in service of power.
None of these processes happen overnight. That is precisely why they are difficult to identify in time. They do not appear as spectacular deviations. On the contrary, they appear as practical solutions wrapped in aesthetic taste. However, world experience shows that the result is inevitably the same: society begins to organize itself around the needs of power, and not power around the needs of society.
At this point, the abuse of power ceases to be a series of individual cases and begins to become a symptom of a larger problem. It does not arise because people with vices suddenly appear who cannot resist the temptation of power or who “eat pears behind their backs”. But because the political mechanisms that should restrain it have been dismantled by power. Alignment is valued more than integrity. Taking political responsibilities and guaranteeing the integrity of public office are considered heresy. The players are changed. The people are tried to be fooled through legal processes that resemble Netflix episodes. Meanwhile, the game of old habits continues undisturbed.
To break free from this situation, it is necessary to ensure the separation of the state from power. It is also important to rediscover the forgotten phrase “we.” Both in decision-making and in the distribution of wealth and political power for the benefit of the people.

In 2005, Edi Rama warned that the Socialist Party had made a mistake when it was measured by the weaknesses of its then-opposition opponent and not by the expectations of citizens. It was a valuable lesson then. It is an even more valuable lesson for the situation created today.
A serious party must be measured by the most difficult question of all: are we improving people's lives as much as they expect from us?
Since 2019, when the opposition entered a self-destructive spiral, the government has adopted the logic of the market in politics. By taking yesterday's opponents and promoting them to various government positions. For a long time, the socialists have not been part of decision-making.
The distance between the socialists and the government is greater than ever. There is no programmatic debate in the party, no accountability for the costs incurred by the country, no competition or consultation, but only activities with scripts and concentrated direction.
The reaction of the Socialists at the ceremony for the passing of Fatos Nano, besides being an expression of respect for a period when a democratic and competitive spirit prevailed in the Socialist Party, which gave the country political balance and social peace at critical moments, was also an expression of frustration with the current situation.

The Socialist Party has lost the freedom to be heard. Because internal democracy is not the right to speak. Internal democracy is the right to be heard.
Parties that only hear applause lose the ability to understand reality.
Political parties are not created to hold power. But to change society through a governing vision. When this ratio is reversed, when the greatest energy is invested in maintaining power and not in producing and implementing ideas, the party may appear organizationally strong due to its identification with the state, but politically weak.
This is why for a long time we have not had a convincing answer to the slide in democratic standards; to the middle class that has been feeling the pressure of dirty money in the economy for years; to inequality and social exclusion; to the impact of technology on the democratic system and the labor market; to the fair relationship between labor and capital; to the relationship between the center and the periphery; to the economy locked in an outdated productive model; to workers and small and medium-sized entrepreneurs who struggle every day for survival; to housing that has become a distant and unattainable dream for most Albanian families; to speculation in property prices and rents that prevent young couples from owning a home, raising children, and living with dignity. And all this at a time when leaving the country poses a serious threat to our present and future.
Therefore, the great social challenge today is not only economic growth through construction and tourism, but also guaranteeing a life with dignity without the constant pressure of survival.

Albania needs a democratic renewal. As a response to the disappointment, anger, corruption of failed national and social projects, injustice, inequality, and the crisis of democracy itself.
The battle for the democratic renewal of the country has never been easy, nor has it been the effort of a single person. On the contrary, it is a daily collective battle that requires strategy, concentration of forces, ethics, ideas, and courage.
Albania needs a democratic plan that ensures the separation of state and power, a level playing field, and democratic institutions. The best guarantee for this is citizen vigilance and cooperation.
Albania needs a left with a new vision, bold and with a spirit that precedes the needs of society. For a left that embraces a new patriotism inextricably linked to social justice. A patriotism that protects and promotes democracy in every sphere of power and society. That sets limits on the oligarchy and protects the public interest. At the core of which is the security of citizens, their rights, equal opportunities for all, solidarity and social cohesion.

Our homeland needs a shake-up and dismantling of the partnership between politics, oligarchy, media, and organized crime.
Our political system needs a new era that enables the renewal of elites, the representation of the people in decision-making, and preventive mechanisms for the concentration of political and economic power.
Our economy needs a national reconstruction plan that aims for fair and sustainable development.
Our productive model requires radical reorientation.
Albanians do not deserve to constantly choose between fear and disappointment. They do not deserve to vote against someone. They deserve to vote for a vision. To choose the alternative that gives them more confidence for the future, but also more security for the present.
This is exactly where the new left that I aspire to must be measured. With the demands of Albanians towards us.
A left that would earn its place in history by changing people's lives.
If this mission is forgotten, we will lose something much more important. The reason we exist. The challenge is not to hold power, but to earn trust. Every day. From scratch./ CNA
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