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Brussels is filled with rumors as it prepares for the election of several high positions, both in the institutions of the European Union and in NATO.
There are four positions to be filled this year - that of the president of the European Commission and the European Council, currently held by Ursula von der Leyen and Charles Michel, and that of the EU's foreign policy chief, who, now and five years, held by Josep Borrell.
In another part of the Belgian capital, NATO is also looking for a replacement for Jens Stoltenberg in the position of secretary general. The Norwegian will leave this post after a decade.
The three EU positions are linked to each other, as they are decided by the EU's 27 heads of state and government during closed-door negotiations.
For this purpose, two EU summits have already been planned: on June 17 and 27.
The process is complicated, as three people must be chosen that reflect a balance in gender, political affiliation and geography, although the perimeter of EU member states is sometimes blurred.
It is common for the president of the European Commission to come from the political grouping that wins the most votes in the European Parliament elections, which will take place across the bloc from June 6 to 9.
In the last four elections, the largest has been the center-right European People's Party (EPP). According to the polls, she is expected to come out first this time as well.
The leading candidate, elected at the EPP congress in Bucharest last week, is Von der Leyen. Logic shows that she can secure another five years at the helm of the European Commission.
On the other hand, Romania's president, Klaus Iohannis, announced this week that he will run for NATO chief, and that could complicate the landscape even more.
The position of NATO secretary general is officially separated from the positions in the EU.
But, considering that 23 of the 27 EU member states also belong to the military alliance and that NATO's general secretary must be European, both organizations are looking for "talents" in the same political pool.
NATO sources say they would have liked to end their search in April - long before the NATO summit in Washington in July.
All seemed certain a few weeks ago, when the main members of the alliance, such as: Germany, France, the United Kingdom and the United States, as well as about 17 other countries - mainly in the West - lined up behind the outgoing Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte.
Considered experienced, well-liked in Washington and adequate to deal with Donald Trump, he seemed to be a good choice. But it caused anger among the easterners.
“Lindorët” këtu nuk nënkuptojnë konceptin gjeografik apo politik. Por, mbulojnë vendet e ish-bllokut sovjetik ose ish-Jugosllavisë, që iu bashkuan BE-së (dhe NATO-s) në 25 vjetët e fundit - Bullgaria, Kroacia, Çekia, Estonia, Hungaria, Letonia, Lituania, Polonia, Rumania, Sllovakia dhe Sllovenia, si dhe Shqipëria, Mali i Zi dhe Maqedonia e Veriut.
Asnjë sekretar i përgjithshëm i NATO-s nuk ishte ndonjëherë nga ndonjëri prej këtyre vendeve. Dhe, në vitin 2019, kur BE-ja zgjodhi për herë të fundit tri kokat e saj, krahu lindor u anashkalua plotësisht.
Në fakt, i vetmi “lindor” që ka mbajtur një pozicion të lartë në Bruksel, ishte kryeministri aktual i Polonisë, Donald Tusk, i cili ishte president i Këshillit Evropian nga viti 2014 deri më 2019. Pra, një nga katër pozitat e lira në vitin 2024, duhet të shkojë vërtet në lindje.
Kjo është arsyeja përse Iohannis e hodhi kapelën e tij në ring.
Kanë qenë tashmë tre sekretarë të përgjithshëm të NATO-s nga Holanda.
Holanda ka luftuar për të shpenzuar 2% të bruto prodhimit të brendshëm në mbrojtje - një synim ky i NATO-s për më shumë se një dekadë, të cilin shumë vende lindore, përfshirë Rumaninë, e kanë arritur.
Dhe Rutte - ndonëse është mbështetës i Ukrainës që nga fillimi i pushtimit rus në shkallë të plotë, në vitin 2022 - mund të konsiderohet se ka qenë “i butë” ndaj Rusisë.
Mbështetja e tij për Rrjedhën Veriore 2 të Gazpromit është një shembull. Nga ana tjetër, shumë “lindorë” kanë paralajmëruar për rrezikun e një Kremlini luftarak dhe kjo tashmë është vërtetuar.
Burimet e NATO-s mendojnë se Rutte do t’ia dalë. Veprimi i Iohannisit u pa si “i dëshpëruar” dhe, madje, shkaktoi pak bezdi, sepse procesi i përzgjedhjes mund të zvarritet tani me muaj.
Disa ishin mjaft të hutuar me planin e tij prej dhjetë pikësh, të publikuar në Politico më 13 mars, pasi përfshinte të gjitha gjërat që aleanca ushtarake tashmë po i bën.
Kur flitet me diplomatë nga disa vende lindore, ata thonë se nuk kanë asnjë mendim për asnjërin kandidat.
Pyetja, në fakt, është nëse Iohannis ishte në dijeni për popullaritetin e tij përpara se të angazhohej. Por, ka edhe dy faktorë të tjerë.
Gjëja e parë është unanimiteti. Të 32 aleatët e NATO-s duhet të bien dakord. Dhe Hungaria ka treguar tashmë se është kundër Ruttes, si pasojë e shumë grindjeve midis Hagës dhe Budapestit për çështjet hungareze të sundimit të ligjit.
Turqia nuk është prononcuar, por Ankaraja i ka pasur problemet e saj me Rutten, sidomos pas përpjekjeve të Turqisë, disa vite më parë, për të mbajtur mitingje politike në Holandë - gjë që ka rezultuar pastaj me ndalimin e disa zyrtarëve turq në Hagë.
Dhe, siç ka thënë një zyrtar i NATO-s: “Me pranimin e Suedisë në NATO, Turqia dhe Hungaria kanë treguar se janë të gatshme të shkojnë shumë larg, për të siguruar atë që duan”. Pyetja është: A e duan Iohannisin? Apo vetëm nuk e duan Rutten? Dhe, a i hap kjo rrugë një kandidati që nuk njihet ende publikisht?
Here comes, then, the second thing that Brussels "talks about": Iohannis is doing this to put himself in the "showcase" for a position in the EU.
The point here is that he belongs to the EPP, just like Von der Leyen. And, if she gets the position of President of the Commission, can an EPP candidate get something else?
Unlikely, as the centre-left (called S&D in Europe) is likely to finish second in the European Parliament elections and seek the position in the Council or in foreign policy.
And if you look at the other well-known "Easterners" who may be targeting EU jobs, most of them belong to the EPP, such as: Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Pllenkovic, Bulgarian IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva, the Polish Foreign Minister, Radek Sikorski, his Lithuanian counterpart, Gabrielius Landsbergis, and his Latvian counterpart, Krisjanis Karins.
Outside the EPP is the prime minister of Estonia, Kaja Kallas, who belongs to the liberals.
But the question that really needs to be asked is whether Iohannis is, in fact, planning the coup against Von der Leyen? She is considered a successful president of the Commission, especially because of her unwavering support for Kyiv.
But people in Brussels also have bad things to say about her: some member states say she has made the Commission too powerful and that she rules it with an iron fist, not letting other commissioners shine.
And then there is the issue with the European Parliament. The candidate for the chairman of the Commission must be approved by the majority of the members of the chamber. Von der Leyen may have it tight this time. Perhaps, this means it is time for a consensus candidate? Could Iohannis be this candidate?/ REL
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