Lulzim Basha has registered in the CEC his political coalition for the April 25 parliamentary elections. For the first time it happens that the Greeks of the Union Party for Human Rights (UPHR) and the Chams of the Justice, Integration and Unity Party (JIUP), unite together in a coalition, and Luli Basha, and even more Edi Rama, deserves credit for this development.

Let us look at the fact about the coalition, among those who say they are persecuted by the Greeks, and the persecutors themselves who are now together the other side by side. What politics hasn’t been able to do for more than 75 years, is solved by Lulzim Basha with the help of Edi Rama.

The fact and the details, show us and why was created the Chamo-Greek alliance, under the shadow of Luli Basha and the mandate he will forgive to these parties. In 2005, the then Prime Minister Sali Berisha took UPHR in his government, directing a ministry for 4 years.

In 2009, Vangjel Dule left the government after a visit by Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou to Tirana, who openly supported Edi Rama. So Dule left with the command coming from Athens, and in the election received only 18.000 votes, the historical minimum since its founding.

In the 2009 elections, the UPHR ran alongside Socialist Party, while Berisha joined in the coalition the Party for Justice and Integration (PJI) founded and led by Tahir Muhedini, the Cham community party, which won a parliamentary seat with nearly 15.000 votes, and entered government with the DP.

Then Shpëtim Idrizi creates another Cham party called Party for Justice and Unity (PJU), and the two parties merge into a single one in February 2011 becoming JIUP. In the 2013 elections, PJIU the Chams compete on the DP side and secure almost 45.000 votes. Meanwhile, UPHR in alliance with the SP, falls even more, with only 14.000 votes and again only one mandate.

UPHR became again part of the government, and Dule was elected vice-president of the Assembly. In May 2015, Vangjel Dule left the coalition, precisely because of Shpëtim Idrizi of JIUP, who was also appointed vice-president of the Assembly.

Dule refused to be in the same level with Idrizi, and resigned. From that moment Vangjel Dule joined Lulzim Basha, who forgave him the mandate of deputy in 2017, where UPHR didn’t compete but entered the DP list. In the elections, Idrizi records another historical record, secure 76.000 votes, of which 30.000 in Elbasan, where it runs Aqif Rakipi.

In Tirana, Shpëtim Idrizi secures over 12.000 votes, but for some votes he cannot get the mandate of deputy. The Chams claim the votes were stolen by the Socialists. From that moment, Edi Rama removes the Chams from the government, and Idrizi joins the opposition of Lulzim Basha, but divided.

This is how the Greco-Cham alliance is born under the shadow of the DP, but neither Idrizi nor Dule appear together in a meeting. JIUP MPs pass with the government together with some exponents, while Shpëtim Idrizi and Mesila Doda hold the official party in opposition.

In the elections of April 25, 2021, the historical enemies, run for the first time together under a coalition.

This is also due to the behavior of Rama, who held Dule on his side, then he took Idrizi, then when one left, it was Rama himself who removed the other. Even because of Basha, who is in opposition, and would accept both because he is desperate, and sees these parties as forces that bring votes./CNA.al

Fitore kombëtare/ Si u ndërtua koalicioni Çamo-Grek i Lulzim Bashës

Lulzim Basha and the media close to him, declared as a great victory the signing yesterday of the agreement with Bamir Topi and the New Democratic Spirit (NDS). A move that was expected, but was kept secret until the last moment.

Topi was part of the opposition coalition, as many of the exponents of his party had abandoned him and returned to the DP such as Gazmend Oketa, Aleksandër Biberaj, etc. Topi’s return to the Democratic Party, described by Sali Berisha as a “boulevard villain” after the events of January 21, 2011, brings together for the first time the former president’s party with the Democratic Party.

But here is another detail. In some media circles, Bamir Topi is called as the gift of Agron Papuli to Lulzim Basha. The DP leader is often accused of buying two luxury villas in Long Hill, a residential area constructed by Papuli, Bamir Topi’s co-father-in-law. The return of Topi seems like a great hope, but in fact it seems that he hasn’t been a real problem for the elections and the expectations of April 25. For this let us look at the election results for NDS according to the official data.

Bamir Topi’s NDS in the 2017 elections, received a total of only 5100 votes, ie as a half MP mandate, of which 1700 votes in Tirana. In the 2013 elections, NDS received 29.000 votes, but his party was at that time against Berisha. From that time, there are many exponents and elements that Basha took from Topi.
The initiative to call Bamir Topi and any right-wing force in the coalition is to be welcomed.

But it is normal to collect every current and factor of the right, after you have arranged things in your home. Lulzim Basha cannot be saved by the 5.000 votes of Topi in 2017, or anti-Berisha votes of 2013. Basha’s party risks to be destroyed, while that of Bamir Topi has been already destroyed. Meanwhile, there are some other opposition options coming from the Movement of Topalli, Conviction of Astrit Patozi, PLD of Murrizi, Knitting Initiative, but also some other parties that have that can get votes, despite the fact that they may not win the mandate of deputy.

They are the real problem for the DP, not Bamir Topi. Not being able to unite the party he leads, and confronting with or without intent 3 opposition parties that have specified specifically not only for their names and leaders, and putting in front of them Bamir Topi as a salvation, ”the boulevard villain”, this only can advertise as e solution of the problem only by Lulzim Basha. In fact, the problem is not Bamir Topi, but some opposition parties and the influx of critics within Democratic Party./CNA.al

Problemi nuk është Bamiri!

Mafia is not an unknown concept for Albania, or only heard from the Hollywood, or Italian films of the 90s. In fact, with each passing day, more and more events show that such a structure in Albania exists.

It functions from the top of the state, to the last instance. Let’s look at an event that happened on October 17, 2020. Today it was reported in the media, that this case was closed by the prosecution by prosecutor Leonard Filopati.

A citizen named Andon Dhima, who is involved in politics and creates businesses, sells property at low prices or partners with a politician, who puts assets in the name of the father-in-law, makes sale-purchase contracts on behalf of the children without them being present, notarial forgeries, concealment of property, property, trials and endless conflicts.

The justice system is gripped, with endless problems, property issues resolved by highly correct contracts, take different directions in favor of someone else. State institutions don’t function, don’t react, they are corrupted by inciting a conflict, and then an assassination.

An assassination attempt on businessman Andon Dhima, who raised his finger of accusation somewhere, being careful and waiting for justice to uncover the truth, after the police had done a commendable job, and had managed to arrest the perpetrators of the criminal event of October 17, where two gunmen attempted to execute him at the entrance to his apartment.

The prosecution then closes the case, closes the investigation, releases the suspects and keeps only one person in jail for illegal possession of weapons. She believes in the alibi of those who were accused and arrested by the police, while the Andon Dhima case no longer exists, although clashes with justice continue, letters to embassies, corrupt institutions.

What is the Mafia more than that? When it seizes the state through mortgages, through the courts, through the prosecution, and when it uses criminal groups for assassinations. Is not the real mafia the combination of all these? So it is not this the Mafia the seizure of the state by certain individuals for corrupt, criminal and wealthy interests? How does the Mafia differ from the Andon Dhima event?

From a case started with property, conflicts, clashes within the justice system, threats, blackmail, fines and debts, to an assassination that could take his life in a few seconds. This is the Mafia in Albania, a case told and lived by a character.

Everyone knows and touches and sees what is happening, how far corruption has gone, the capture of the state, but no one reacts. After a failed assassination attempt, the mafia media denies the event, saying it is fabricated.

The police investigate the perpetrators, while on the other hand, the Prosecution serves the mafia and goes beyond the version of the servile media. The Mafia in Albania is really strong, this is how it acts and has acted when it fined businesses, took their money, property and wealth.

Mafia then carried out assassinations, threats, and acquitted the perpetrators through the justice system. Well this is the Mafia, there is no big difference in the case of Andon Dhima.

The message given to us by the prosecution is quite clear: that in Albania there are scandalous prosecutors, who are ready to commit acts like the last one by the prosecutor of Tirana, which are more and more proof that the Mafia in Albania exists./ CNA.al

Një ngjarje që na tregon si funksionon mafia në Shqipëri